“Turn Indignation Into Political Change”- the title of a Spanish anti-government manifesto published in 2014 by a group of college professors and media personalities. In it, these outsiders challenge the legitimacy of the country’s two-party regime and call for the creation of something new: Podemos. This subversive platform would work to protect the welfare state and push for housing decommodification, female liberation, and several other progressive initiatives.  The political motivations for Podemos echo many of the rallying cries heard during 15-M, a historic grassroots movement in Spain that acted as a prelude to America’s Occupy Wall Street. Their revolutionary impact remains even after joining Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez’s governing coalition in 2019. Podemos offers a breath of fresh air to Spanish politics and diverges from neighboring populist parties in ideology and strategy.

Two forces have dominated Spain since the death of its fascist dictator Francsico Franco in 1975; The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE) on the left and the People’s Party (PP) on the right. In many ways, the People’s Party and the PSOE (called the PPSOE jointly) represent the bulk of Spain’s political elite. The PSOE was one of the main parties responsible for passing Spain’s 1978 Constitution and the controversial Pact of Forgetting, which forgave the crimes of the previous Francoist regime. The PP was established in 1989 as a continuation of the Popular Alliance, a conservative party predominantly made up of Franco’s former cabinet members. Together, the PPSOE have shared power in Spain for decades, having elected the last five prime ministers consecutively.

This order faced a reckoning in 2011 with the 15-M movement. Professor and National History Prize Winner Enrique Moradiellos describes it as “a protest against cutbacks and austerity, but also against the paralysis of the political system in the face of mounting inequality.” All over Spain, millions flooded the streets demanding housing, education, and most importantly, change to a duopoly that they believed had grown ineffective and corrupt. Economically speaking, these large-scale protests were a reaction to the €15 billion slash to public spending urged by the European Union, United States, and IMF. Politically however, 15-M was an indictment of the two governing parties which Podemos co-founder Pablo Iglesias dubbed “the caste”. From this national outrage, Podemos was born. In her book Democracy Reloaded, Professor Cristina Fominaya writes “Podemos is in a way a precursor to 15-M, not just an outcome of it…Once they saw how powerful the citizen mobilization was, they decided to take advantage of this opportunity.” The leaders of this movement envisioned a party that could take these anti-establishment demands directly to the establishment itself. 

Their protest shook up Spain’s political system almost immediately. In its 2015 electoral debut, Podemos won over five million votes and became the third largest political party in the entire country. This outsider band of los indignados now wielded almost 70 seats in Parliament and about a fifth of the electorate, leaving the incumbent parties in complete disarray. This didn’t come without some difficulties however. In the beginning, Podemos was solely reliant on crowd-funding and media buzz for survival. The up and coming party faced many institutional challenges as well. Fominaya writes “there has never been a party in Spain, maybe anywhere, that has been so relentlessly attacked by media, by the judiciary, by politicized, spurious lawsuits, lies, defamation and pressure.” The explosive rise of Podemos effectively transformed the government into a truly multi-party system, as for the first time neither the People’s Party nor the Socialists had enough seats for a majority. By tearing down the Spanish establishment, the 2015 elections had ushered in a new era. The Socialist PSOE was even forced to form a coalition government with Podemos a few years later, the first of its kind in modern Spain. In less than a decade, the architects of the 15-M created a national platform at the center of legislative power. So far, their new administration has expanded abortion and transgender rights and recently passed Spain’s first housing law since the democratic transition. Although there are now several accomplished Podemos lawmakers and ministers in office, the party’s ties with the protests in 2011 make it distinct. As opposed to following a specific politician or ideology, Podemos claims to speak for the streets. Co-founder Iñigo Errejón writes "many of us were there, in the plazas and in the protests, we listened to what people were saying and we took notes." By drawing on the spirit of the 15-M in its quest for change, Podemos represents a truly unique populist movement. 

Despite the rise of hardline populism throughout Europe in recent years, Podemos was able to set itself apart in a number of ways. In his 2022 paper Populism in power—A comparative analysis of populist governance, German political scientist Wolfgang Muno identifies a clear pattern in populist rule around the world. Muno argues that an important part of populist discourse is its anti-pluralism, its inherent conflict with existing actors and institutions. “Populists claim to represent the true and pure will of the people, which must not be opposed by institutional barriers or by opposition, or by the ‘elite clique.’ This manifests the anti-pluralist nature of populists, who see behind every opposition the old elites as behind-the-scenes puppet masters.” Since populists see themselves in constant struggle with the political system itself, they tend to disregard typical democratic procedure in the pursuit of outright state capture. While this explanation is applicable for authoritarians like Hungary’s Viktor Orban, it fails to describe the relatively amicable behavior of Podemos. During its relatively short time in power, the leaders of Podemos regularly engaged in coalition-building and compromise, whether that be with the powerful PSOE or with smaller parties such as the United Left. On top of that, there’s a vibrant community of thinkers and activists within the party itself, reflective of its diverse urban origin.

Unlike most populist movements, which follow the direction of a single charismatic figure (Erdogan’s AKP, Meloni’s Brothers of Italy, etc), Podemos is home to several rival factions like the Complutense University academics and the Izquierda Anticapitalistas, all with their own leaders and philosophies. There’s also its continued involvement in various humanitarian causes. For instance, Podemos Secretary General Ione Belarra was among the first prominent figures in Europe to call for a ceasefire in Gaza. After attending a demonstration in October she tweeted “Dignity has filled the streets of Madrid today to urge the end of the genocide that Israel is planning against the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip. Freedom for Palestine.” In this way, Podemos is more than just a political party, it’s a whole counter culture. Pablo Iglesias writes, “While Podemos has established itself as a party, this is for legal reasons, to be able to participate in elections,…we remain a movement.” Though this fusion of protest and politics has resulted in a long history of infighting, it’s also made the party strikingly dynamic and progressive. According to Liege University sociologist Manuel Cervera-Marzal, “Podemos produces the image of a ‘pluralist,’ ‘open,’ and ‘uncertain’ party, which can thereby be distinguished from parties that are ‘monolithic,’ ‘dogmatic,’ and ‘puffed up with certainties’ such as the PP and the PSOE.” This collectivized party structure lies at the heart of Podemos’s vision for a fairer and more democratic Spain.

The story of Podemos is one of anger and action. Although their success in 2015 was nothing short of miraculous, the party has been unable to grow in a political field that’s now more competitive than ever. Earlier this year, Podemos officially merged with the Sumar platform under the leadership of Yolande Davis, who now intends to form another progressive coalition government with the Socialists. This comes at the cost of excluding Equality Minister Irene Montero, described as the party’s “biggest asset” by Belarra. While the future of Podemos is uncertain, their populist struggle succeeded in shattering Spain’s two party system and bringing new radical voices to the table.