The Inherited Struggle of the Italian Government
Italy’s general election comes at an extremely sensitive time. Between the post-pandemic financial crisis and the energy crisis fueled by Russia’s war in Ukraine, inflation is the highest it has been in the last 36 years, the country’s unemployment rates are at a staggering 9.83 percent, and Italian energy providers Enel and Ep are already reviving coal plants to counteract the rapidly rising cost of gas. With political instability causing the lifespan of an Italian government to average at just over one year, Italians are desperate to elect a government that can firmly hold onto power while also steering the economy to relative stability without imploding like its predecessors.
Political parties in the running are trying to appeal to the public by showcasing both their policies and their ability to collaborate with their opponents for a more stable parliament. One of the most notable examples comes from the center right, with a recently-formed coalition between Fratelli D’Italia (FdI), Forza Italia (FI), and Lega Nord (LN) poised to win a majority of the seats in parliament. Even before being elected into parliament, this coalition has already witnessed internal conflict over crucial topics. For instance, Italy’s support for Ukraine’s war efforts is being called into question due to FI leader Berlusconi's controversial friendship with Putin, both of whom are currently drawing criticism from the leaders of Fratelli D’Italia and Lega. Still, these three parties understand how crucial the alliance will be in helping them win a majority of the seats in parliament. Their consensus on issues such as the introduction of a flat tax, the return to nuclear energy, and their hard stance against immigration have created a sufficient common ground for their voter bases to unite.
However, these policies may not be enough to counteract the financial crisis that Italy has been facing ever since the 2008 recession. Known as “La Crisi Italiana,” which directly translates to “The Italian Crisis,” the term refers to Italy’s inability to restore its GDP growth to its pre-2008 levels. Indeed, the financial crisis started a chain of events in Italy that ultimately resulted in the collapse of its economy. Amidst racking up one of the highest debts in the European Union, austerity measures and decreasing pensions forced the older population to abstain from retiring. This quickly led to the lack of new job opportunities for young professionals attempting to enter the Italian workforce. As a result, the country has experienced a phenomenon called ‘brain drain’, which occurs when young professionals flee the country in the search of better opportunities abroad. This has cost Italy over 14 billion Euros a year for over a decade and is only predicted to worsen over time. Last spring, the Italian Audit Court even stated that “limited job prospects and low pay are pushing ever more graduates to leave the country, with a rise of 41.8% over 2013.” Other young Italians have been putting off joining the workforce in the hopes of finding a job that offers a regular contract, with Reuters reporting that “only one Italian in five under the age of 25 has a job.”
The new coalition has been quick to propose a wide range of solutions to counteract the country’s struggling economy and the contracting job market that it spawned. Yet, most of the coalition’s campaigned policies have been focused on increasing pensions for the elderly and on reducing the unemployment rate amongst younger workers through what can only be defined as questionable means. For instance, former Italian prime minister Giuseppe Conte accused FdI leader Giorgia Meloni of proposing a system that would force the unemployed back into the workplace by, amongst other things, fining them if they were to refuse any received job offer. These policies actively dissuade young workers from looking for employment opportunities in Italy.
Rather than force the younger population into the workforce, other parties have proposed myriad solutions that would drastically improve working conditions, hoping to incentivize Italians working abroad to return home. Research conducted by the New York Times suggests that workers who left the country were mainly motivated by elements like better pay, benefits, and careers, but generally missed their home. The article included an interview with Carmelo Ignaccolo, a Sicilian professor who now teaches at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, who stated that “I 100 percent embrace an American professional life, but I have a very Mediterranean lifestyle." These sentiments are harbored by a majority of the population who find themselves in a position similar to Ignaccolo.
To secure a future that prevents stories like Ignaccolo’s from becoming a generational struggle, Italy is in need of a stable government that will prioritize rebuilding the job market from the bottom up and that is willing to tackle brain drain with a long term plan. Until then, the devastating impacts of brain drain will only become exacerbated in the coming decades if progressive change does not occur. At this time, fighting for employees to receive contractual work and federal minimum wage will be the first step necessary to make Italy a desirable enough option to dissuade workers from fleeing the country.
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